By Jennifer E. Brooks

Within the aftermath of worldwide battle II, Georgia's veterans--black, white, liberal, reactionary, pro-union, and anti-union--all came across that carrier within the conflict superior their feel of male, political, and racial identification, yet frequently in contradictory methods. In Defining the Peace, Jennifer E. Brooks indicates how veterans competed in a prolonged and infrequently violent fight to figure out the advanced personality of Georgia's postwar future.Brooks reveals that veterans formed the foremost occasions of the period, together with the gubernatorial campaigns of either Eugene Talmadge and Herman Talmadge, the defeat of entrenched political machines in Augusta and Savannah, the terrorism perpetrated opposed to black electorate, the CIO's force to arrange the fabric South, and the controversies that ruled the 1947 Georgia common meeting. innovative black and white veterans solid new grassroots networks to mobilize electorate opposed to racial and fiscal conservatives who hostile their imaginative and prescient of a democratic South. so much white veterans, even though, opted to help applicants who favorite a conservative software of modernization that aimed to change the state's financial panorama whereas maintaining its anti-union and racial traditions.As Brooks demonstrates, global conflict II veterans performed a pivotal function in shaping the war's political impression at the South, producing a politics of race, anti-unionism, and modernization that stood because the war's longest enduring political legacy.

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25 In questioning black soldiers near the end of the war about their own contribution to the war effort and about Allied war aims, the Army Research Branch found that black responses often focused on homefront conditions and postwar treatment. When asked what question one would most like to ask the president of the United States, most white soldiers wanted to know about the progress of the war effort or how much longer the war would last. Black soldiers, however, responded differently. Over 50 percent of their answers mentioned a specific question about racial discrimination or exhibited a definite but less direct racial emphasis.

52 The brutal Monroe lynching provoked a national outcry and directed an intense media spotlight on both Monroe and Georgia. 53 To black veterans in Walton County, in                         : 23 Georgia, and throughout the South, the message was clear. “They’re exterminating us,” a black Monroe veteran told  investigator Ollie Harrington;“They’re killing negro veterans, and we don’t have nothing to fight back with but our bare hands. ”55 George Dorsey, an individual, went into the army, but they — black veterans —returned with attitudes unbecoming to their “proper” place in southern society.

A  survey in 1953 found that the registration of African Americans of voting age in the entire South amounted to only 50 percent of white registration. Such statistics led historian Steven F. Lawson to conclude that the voter drives of the 1940s “had skimmed the cream off the top and succeeded with those most receptive to their message,” namely, African Americans in the urban South. Enfranchisement proved slowest in the rural black belt where African Americans outnumbered whites and, consequently, met the stiffest white resistance.

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