By Cheryl Higashida



Black Internationalist Feminism examines how African American girls writers affiliated themselves with the post-World struggle II Black Communist Left and constructed a different strand of feminism. This very important but mostly missed feminist culture equipped upon and seriously retheorized the postwar Left's "nationalist internationalism," which attached the liberation of Blacks within the usa to the liberation of 3rd global international locations and the global proletariat. Black internationalist feminism reviews racist, heteronormative, and masculinist articulations of nationalism whereas retaining the significance of nationwide liberation events for attaining Black women's social, political, and fiscal rights.


Cheryl Higashida exhibits how Claudia Jones, Lorraine Hansberry, Alice Childress, Rosa man, Audre Lorde, and Maya Angelou labored inside and opposed to confirmed literary varieties to illustrate that nationalist internationalism used to be associated with struggles opposed to heterosexism and patriarchy. Exploring a various diversity of performs, novels, essays, poetry, and reportage, Higashida illustrates how literature is a vital lens for learning Black internationalist feminism simply because those authors have been on the vanguard of bringing the views and difficulties of black ladies to gentle opposed to their marginalization and silencing.


In analyzing writing via Black Left girls from 1945–1995, Black Internationalist Feminism contributes to contemporary efforts to rehistoricize the outdated Left, Civil Rights, Black energy, and second-wave Black women's movements.

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These comparisons illustrate how leftists of color identified struggles for economic, social, and political equality in the United States with national liberation movements in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and the Americas. S. ” While mainstream African American politics had adopted a global perspective on domestic civil rights as a result of World War II, the dawn of independence throughout the Third World, and the end of formal, direct imperialism, things had changed dramatically by the end of the 1940s.

This tenet distinguished “reactionary Social-Democrats” from Leninists, who “reject, even if it is under the name of ‘internationalism,’ any denial of the right of national self-determination to the oppressed peoples. ” Even if many African Americans did not use these terms to describe their oppression, this did not mean that self-determination was irrelevant, for only self-determination addressed the substance of Black aspirations to do away with Jim Crow, lynching, disenfranchisement, and sharecropper peonage.

1949). What has received far less scholarly attention despite its significance to Jones’s feminism is her earlier writing on African American nationhood. ” There she argued that the national question was central to supporting and extending the African American and working-class alliance that constituted the primary opposition to “the main danger of fascism to the world,” the imperialist forces concentrated in the United States. ” As Jones explained, the Black Belt encompassed those southern states where African Americans had become a majority with the growth of the plantation economy and sharecropping peonage.

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