By John E. Mueller

Ever because the first atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima, the chance of nuclear annihilation has haunted the fashionable international. yet as John Mueller unearths during this eye-opening, compellingly argued, and intensely reassuring e-book, our obsession with nuclear guns is unsupported through background, medical truth, or common sense.

Examining the total atomic period, Mueller boldly contends that nuclear guns have had little influence on background. even though they've got encouraged overwrought regulations and distorted spending priorities, for the main half they've got proved to be militarily lifeless, and a key cause so few nations have taken them up is they are a amazing waste of cash and clinical expertise. both very important, Atomic Obsession unearths why anxieties approximately terrorists acquiring nuclear guns are primarily baseless: a number of sensible and organizational problems make their probability of good fortune nearly vanishingly small.

Mueller, certainly one of America's such a lot exclusive but provocative diplomacy students, is going even additional, preserving that our efforts to avoid the unfold of nuclear guns have produced extra ache and violence than the bombs themselves, and that proliferation of the guns, whereas no longer unavoidably fascinating, is not likely to be a tremendous hazard or to accelerate.

"The ebook will surely make you think that. further bonus: It's immensely enjoyable to read."
--Stephen M. Walt, ForeignPolicy.com

"Meticulously researched and punctuated with a dry wit. Mueller merits compliment for having the center to shout that the atomic emperor has no clothes."
--Arms keep watch over Today

"Mueller plays a huge provider in puncturing the various inflated rhetoric approximately nuclear weapons.... An strange and fruitful point of view on nuclear history."
--Science Magazine

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Additional info for Atomic Obsession: Nuclear Alarmism from Hiroshima to Al-Qaeda

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66 Thus, terrorism was the master narrative that formed the basis of Bush’s push for war, and WMD was the proximate cause for why we had to make the momentous decision to engage in combat so quickly. As he continued to ratchet up his anti-Saddam rhetoric over the course of 2002, the president worked to convince America that this new condition of extreme and massive threat gave us no choice but to remove the danger before it struck. Thus, preemptive action against Saddam’s rogue regime was the only thing that stood between us and Armageddon.

Bush and his lieutenants had begun to chart a course—to construct a rhetorical roadmap—that would pinpoint our final destination and tell us why it was desirable, plot the best route to get us there, estimate the length of the journey and its cost, mark potential roadblocks and detours, and also suggest some side trips that might be useful to see along the way. And over the next few weeks, the Bush administration would hone its rhetoric and embed the meaning of the attacks into a political morality tale that set the stage for retaliation on a massive scale, an act of retribution that, terrible though it might be, was at once necessary, desirable, inevitable, and unquestionable.

40 Framing the Iraq War Endgame The only theme that did not garner strong media approbation was the protection of civil liberties. Although Bush and Ashcroft were adamant that civil liberties would be fully upheld under the PATRIOT Act, almost half of media news stories and commentary contained some criticisms about constitutional issues, privacy rights, or treatment of minorities and immigrants. But—and this is a telling caveat—the concerns that were raised came almost entirely from nongovernmental organizations and individuals; none came from inside the Bush administration and only 16 percent of these critical sources were members of Congress.

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